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2017年大學(xué)英語考前練習(xí)模擬試題
大學(xué)英語六級(jí)考試由“國(guó)家教育部高教司”主辦，每年各舉行兩次。距離2017年上半年的英語六級(jí)考試還有大概2個(gè)月的時(shí)間，為了幫助大家備考，小編整理了一些大學(xué)英語六級(jí)考試模擬試題，希望能對(duì)大家有所幫助!
Part I Writing (30 minutes)
Directions For this part, you are allowed 80 minutes to write an essay commenting on Alert Einstein'sremark "I have no special talents. I am only passionately curious. " You can give an example or two toillustrate your point of view. You should write at least 15 words but no more than 200 words.
注意：此部分試題請(qǐng)?jiān)诖痤}卡1上作答。
Part III Reading Comprehension (40 minutes)
Section A
Directions: In this section, there is a passage with ten blanks. You are required to select one word for each blank from a list of choices given in a word bank following the passage. Read the passage through carefully before making your choices. Each choice in the bank is identified by a letter. Please mark the corresponding letter for each item on Answer Sheet 2 with a single line through the centre. You may not use any of the words in the bank more than once.
Questions 36 to 45 are based on the following passage.
"That which does not kill us makes us stronger." But parents can't handle it when teenagers put this 36 into practice. Now technology has become the new field for the age-old battle between adults
en adults and their freedom-seeking kids.
Locked indoors, unable to get on their bicycles and hang out with their friends, teens have turned to social media and their mobile phones to socialize with their peers. What they do online often 37what they might otherwise do if their mobility weren't so heavily .38 in the age of helicopter parenting. Social media and smart-phone apps have become so popular in recent years because teens need a place to call their own. They want the freedom to 39 their identity and the world around them.
Instead of 40 out, they jump online.
As teens have moved online, parents have projected their fears onto the Internet, imagining all the41 dangers that youth might face--from 42 strangers to cruel peers to pictures or words that could haunt them on Google for the rest of their lives.
Rather than helping teens develop strategies for negotiating public life and the risks of 43 with others, fearful parents have focused on tracking, monitoring and blocking. These tactics (策略) don't help teens develop the skills they need to manage complex social situations,44 risks and get help
when they're in trouble. "Protecting" kids may feel like the right thing to do, but it 45 the learning that teens need to do as they come of age in a technology-soaked world.
注意：此部分試題請(qǐng)?jiān)诖痤}卡2上作答。
A. assess
B.constrained
C.contains
D.explore
E.influence
F.interacting
G.interpretation
H.magnified
I. mirrors
J.philosophy
K.potential
L.sneaking
M.sticking
N. undermines
O. violent
Section B
Directions: In this section, you are going to read a passage with ten statements attached to it. Each statement contains information given in one of the paragraphs. Identify the paragraph from which the information is derived. You may choose a paragraph more than once. Each paragraph is marked with a letter. Answer the questions by marking the corresponding letter on Answer Sheet 2.
Inequality Is Not Inevitable
A) A dangerous trend has developed over this past third of a century. A country that experienced shared growth after World War Ⅱ began to tear apart, so much so that when the Great Recession hit in late 2007, one could no longer ignore the division that had come to define the American economic landscape. How did this "shining city on a hill" become the advanced country with the greatest level of inequality?
B) Over the past year and a half, The Great Divide, a series in The New York Times, has presented a wide range of examples that undermine the notion that there are any truly fundamental laws of capitalism. The dynamics of the imperial capitalism of the 19th century needn't apply in the democracies of the 21st. We don't need to have this much inequality in America.
C) Our current brand of capitalism is a fake capitalism. For proof of this go back to our response to the Great Recession, where we socialized losses, even as we privatized gains. Perfect competition should drive profits to zero, at least theoretically, but we have monopolies making persistently high profits. C. E. O. s enjoy incomes that are on average 295 times that of the typical worker, amuch higher ratio han in the past, without any evidence of a proportionate increase in productivity.
D)If it is not the cruel laws of economics that have led to America's great divide, what is it? The straightforward answer., our policies and our politics. People get tired of hearing about Scandinavian success stories, but the fact of the matter is that Sweden, Finland and Norway have all succeeded in having about as much or faster growth in per capita (人均的 ) incomes than the United States and with far greater equality.
E) So why has America chosen these inequality-enhancing policies? Part of the answer is that as World War Ⅱ faded into memory, so too did the solidarity it had created. As America triumphed in the Cold War, there didn't seem to be a real competitor to our economic model. Without this internat~ competition, we no longer had to show that our system could deliver for most of our citizens.
F) Ideology and interests combined viciously. Some drew the wrong lesson from the collapse of the Soviet system in 1991. The pendulum swung from much too much government there to much too little here. Corporate interests argued for getting rid of regulations, even when those regulations had done so much to protect and improve our environment, our safety, our health and the economy itself.
G) But this ideology was hypocritical (虛偽的). The bankers, among the strongest advocates of laissez- faire (自由放任的 ) economics, were only too willing to accept hundreds of billions of dollars from the government in the aid programs that have been a recurring feature of the global economy since the beginning of the Thatcher-Reagan era of "free" markets and deregulation.
H) The American political system is overrun by money. Economic inequality translates into political inequality, and political inequality yields increasing economic inequality. So corporate welfare increases as we reduce welfare for the poor. Congress maintains subsidies for rich farmers as we cut back on nutritional support for the needy. Drug companies have been given hundreds of billions of dollars as we limit Medicaid benefits. The banks that brought on the global financial crisis got billions while a tiny bit went to the homeowners and victims of the same banks' predatory (掠奪性的) lending practices. This last decision was particularly foolish. There were alternatives to throwing money at the banks and hoping it would circulate through increased lending.
I) Our divisions are deep. Economic and geographic segregation has immunized those at the top from the problems of those down below. Like the kings of ancient times, they have come to perceive their privileged positions essentially as a natural right.
J) Our economy, our democracy and our society have paid for these gross inequalities. The true test of an economy is not how much wealth its princes can accumulate in tax havens (庇護(hù)所), but how well off the typical citizen is. But average incomes are lower than they were a quarter-century ago. Growth has gone to the very, very top, whose share has almost increased four times since 1980. Money that was meant to have trickled (流淌) down has instead evaporated in the agreeable climate of the Cayman Islands.
K) With almost a quarter of American children younger than 5 living in poverty, and with America doing so little for its poor, the deprivations of one generation are being visited upon the next. Of course, no country has ever come close to providing complete equality of opportunity. But why is America one of the advanced countries where the life prospects of the young are most sharply determined by the income and education of their parents?
L) Among the most bitter stories in The Great Divide were those that portrayed the frustrations of the young, who long to enter our shrinking middle class. Soaring tuitions and declining incomes have resulted in larger debt burdens. Those with only a high school diploma have seen their incomes decline by 13 percent over the past 35 years.
M) Where justice is concerned, there is also a huge divide. In the eyes of the rest of the world and a significant part of its own population, mass imprisonment has come to define America--a country, it bears repeating, with about 5 percent of the world's population but around a fourth of the world's prisoners.
N) Justice has becom~ a commodity, affordable to only a few. While Wall Street executives used their expensive lawyers to ensure that their ranks were not held accountable for the misdeeds that the crisis in 2008 so graphically revealed, the banks abused our legal system to foreclose (取消贖回權(quán)) on mortgages and eject tenants, some of whom did not even owe money.
O) More than a half-century ago, America led the way in advocating for the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the United Nations in 1948. Today, access to health care is among the most universally accepted rights, at least in the advanced countries. America, despite the implementation of the Affordable Care Act, is the exception. In the relief that many felt when the Supreme Court did not overturn the Affordable Care Act, the implications of the decision for Medicaid were not fully appreciated. Obamacare's objective--to ensure that all Americans have access to health care--has been blocked: 24 states have not implemented the expanded Medicaid program, which was the means by which Obamacare was supposed to deliver on its promise to some of the poorest.
P) We need not just a new war on poverty but a war to protect the middle class. Solutions to these problems do not have to be novel. Far from it. Making markets act like markets would be a good place to start. We must end the rent-seeking society we have gravitated toward, in which the wealthy obtain profits by manipulating the system.
Q) The problem of inequality is not so much a matter of technical economics. It's really a problem of practical politics. Inequality is not just about the top marginal tax rate but also about our children's access to food and the right to justice for all. If we spent more on education, health and infrastructure (基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施), we would strengthen our economy, now and in the future.
注意：此部分試題請(qǐng)?jiān)诖痤}卡2上作答。
46. In theory, free competition is supposed to reduce the margin of profits to the minimum.
47. The United States is now characterized by a great division between the rich and the poor.
48. America lacked the incentive to care for the majority of its citizens as it found no rival for its economic model.
49. The wealthy top have come to take privileges for granted.
50. Many examples show the basic laws of imperial capitalism no longer apply in present-day America.
51. The author suggests a return to the true spirit of the market.
52. A quarter of the world's prisoner population is in America.
53. Government regulation in America went from one extreme to the other in the past two decades.
54. Justice has become so expensive that only a small number of people like corporate executives can afford it.
55. No country in the world so far has been able to provide completely equal opportunities for all.
Section C
Directions: There are 2 passages in this section. Each passage is followed by some questions or unfinished statements. For each of them there are four choices marked A., B., C. andD . You should decide on the best choice and mark the corresponding letter on Answer Sheet 2 with a single line through the centre.
Passage One
Questions 56 to 60 are based on the following passage.
Saying they can no longer ignore the rising prices of health care, some of the most influentialmedical groups in the nation are recommending that doctors weigh the costs, not just the effectiveness of treatments, as they make decisions about patient care.The shift, little noticed outside the medical establishment but already controversial inside it,suggests that doctors are starting to redefine their roles, from being concerned exclusively about individual patients to exerting influence on how healthcare dollars are spent. In practical terms, the new guidelines being developed could result in doctors choosing one drug over another for cost reasons or even deciding that a particular treatment—at the end of life, for example—is too expensive. In the extreme, some critics have said that making treatment decisionsbased on cost is a form of rationing. Traditionally, guidelines have heavily influenced the practice of medicine, and the latest ones areexpected to make doctors more conscious of the economic consequences of their decisions, even though there's no obligation to follow them. Medical society guidelines are also used by insurancecomoanies to help determine reimbursement (報(bào)銷) policies. Some doctors see a potential conflict in trying to be both providers of patient care and fmancial
Overseers. "There should be forces in society who should be concerned about the budget, but they shouldn't be functioning simultaneously as doctors," said Dr. Martin Samuels at a Boston hospital. He said doctors risked losing the trust of patients if they told patients, "I'm not going to do what I think is best for you because I think it's bad for the healthcare budget in Massachusetts. " Doctors can face some grim trade—offs. Studies have shown, for example, that two drugs are about equally effective in treating macular degeneration, and eye disease. But one costs $ 50 a dose and the other close to $ 2,000. Medicare could save hundreds of millions of dollars a year if everyone used the cheaper drug, Avastin, instead of the costlier one, Lucentis. But the Food and Drug Administration has not approved Avastin for use in the eye. and using it rather than the alternative, Lucentis, might carry an additional, although slight, safety risk. Should doctors consider Medicare's budget in deciding what to use?"I think ethically (在道德層面上) we are just worried about the patient in front of us and not trying to save money for the insurance industry or society as a whole," said Dr. Donald Jensen. Still, some analysts say that there's a role for doctors to play in cost analysis because not many others are doing so. "In some ways," said Dr. Daniel Sulmasy, "it represents a failure of wider society
to take up the issue. "
56. What do some most influential medical groups recommend doctors do?
A. Reflect on the responsibilities they are supposed to take.
B. Pay more attention to the effectiveness of their treatments.
C. Take costs into account when making treatment decisions.
D. Readjust their practice in view of the cuts in health care.
57. What were doctors mainly concerned about in the past?
A. Specific medicines to be used.
B. Effects of medical treatment.
C. Professional advancement.
D. Patients' trust.
58. What may the new guidelines being developed lead to?
A. The redefining of doctors' roles.
B. Overuse of less effective medicines.
C. Conflicts between doctors and patients.
D. The prolonging of patients' suffering.
59. What risk do doctors see in their dual role as patient care providers and financial overseers?
A. They may be involved in a conflict of interest.
B. They may be forced to divide their attention.
C. They may have to use less effective drugs.
D. They may lose the respect of patients.
60. What do some experts say about doctors' involvement in medical cost analysis?
A. It may add to doctors' already heavy workloads.
B. It will help to save money for society as a whole.
C. It results from society's failure to tackle the problem.
D. It raises doctors' awareness of their social responsibilities.
Passage Two
Questions 61 to 65 are based on the following passage.
Economic inequality is the "defining challenge of our time," President Barack Obama declared in a speech last month to the Center for American Progress. Inequality is dangerous, he argued, not merely because it doesn't look good to have a large gap between the rich and the poor, but because inequality itself destroys upward mobility, making it harder for the poor to escape from poverty. "Increased inequality and decreasing mobility pose a fundamental threat to the American Dream," he said. Obama is only the most prominent public figure to declare inequality Public Enemy No. 1 and the greatest threat to reducing poverty in America. A number of prominent economists have also argued that it's harder for the poor to climb the economic ladder today because the rungs (橫檔 ) in that ladder have grown farther apart.
For all the new attention devoted to the 1 percent, a new damset from the Equality of Opportunity Project at Harvard and Berkeley suggests that, if we care about upward mobility overall, we're vastly exaggerating the dangers of the rich—poor gap. Inequality itself is not a particularly strong predictor of economic mobility, as sociologist Scott Winship noted in a recent article based on his analysis of this data. So what factors, at the community level, do predict if poor children will move up the economic ladder as adtdts? what explains, for instance, why the Salt Lake City metro area is one of the 100 largest metropolitan areas most likely to lift the fortunes of the poor and the Atlanta metro area is one of the least likely?
Harvard economist Raj Cherty has pointed to economic and racial segregation, community density,the size of a community's middle class, the quality of schools, commtmity religiosity, and family structure, which he calls the "single strongest correlate of upward mobility. " Chetty finds that communities like Salt Lake City, with high levels of two-parent families and religiosity, are much more likely to see poor children get ahead than communities like Atlanta, with high levels of racial and economic segregation. Chetty has not yet issued a comprehensive analysis of the relative predictive power of each of these factors. Based on my analyses of the data. of the factors that Chetty has highlighted, the following three seem to be most predictive of upward mobility in a given community.
1. Per-capita (人均) income growth
2. Prevalence of single mothers ( where correlation is strong, but negative)
3. Per-capita local government spending In other words, communities with high levels of per-capita income growth, high percentages of two-parent families, and high local government spending-which may stand for good schools-are the most likely to help poor children relive Horatio Alger's rags-to-riches story.
61. How does Obama view economic inequality?
A. It is the biggest obstacle to social mobility.
B. It is the greatest threat to social stability.
C. It is the No. 1 enemy of income growth.
D. It is the most malicious social evil of our time.
62. What do we learn about the inequality gap from Scott Winship's data analysis?
A. It is fast widening across most parts of America.
B. It is not a reliable indicator of economic mobility.
C. It is not correctly interpreted.
D. It is overwhelmingly ignored.
63. Compared with Atlanta, metropolitan Salt Lake City is said to
A. have placed religious beliefs above party politics
B. have bridged the gap between the rich and the poor
C. offer poor children more chances to climb the social ladder
D. suffer from higher levels of racial and economic segregation
64. What is strongly correlated with social mobility according to economist Raj Cherty?
A. Family structure.
B. Racial equality.
C. School education.
D. Community density.
65. What does the author seem to suggest?
A. It is important to increase the size of the middle class.
B. It is highly important to expand the metropolitan areas.
C. It is most imperative to focus our efforts on the elimination of income inequality.
D. It is better to start from the community to help poor children move up the social ladder.
Part IV Translation (30 minutes)
Directions: For this part, you are allowed 30 minutes to translate a passage from Chinese into English. You shou write your answer on Answer Sheet 2.
在中國(guó)，父母總是竭力幫助孩子，甚至為孩子做重要決定，而不管孩子想要什么，因?yàn)樗麄兿嘈胚@樣做是為孩子好。結(jié)果，孩子的成長(zhǎng)和教育往往屈從于父母的意愿如果父母決定為孩子報(bào)名參加一個(gè)課外班，以增加其被重點(diǎn)學(xué)校錄取的機(jī)會(huì)，他們會(huì)堅(jiān)持自己的決定。即使孩子根本不感興趣。
然而在美國(guó)，父母很可能會(huì)尊重孩子的意見，并在決策時(shí)更注重他們的意見。中國(guó)父母十分重視教育或許值得稱贊、、然而，他們應(yīng)向美國(guó)父母學(xué)習(xí)在涉及教育時(shí)如何平衡父母與子女間的關(guān)系。
參考譯文：
n China, parents always try every means to help their children, and even make important decisions for them. They never care what the children really want because they believe that it is good for the children. As a result, children's growth and education tend to surrender to the wills of their parents.
If parents decide to sign up for their children to take an extra class to increase their chances of being admitted to a key school, they will stick to their decision, even if their children are not interested in it.
In the United States, however, parents are likely to respect their children's opinions, and to pay more attention to their opinions in making decisions.
It may be worthy of praise for the Chinese parents to attach great importance to education. However, they should learn how to balance the relationsop between parents and the children from American parents when it comes to education.
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